Undoubtedly, Brexit
casts a shadow also to the development of the European primary election system.
If by spring 2016 we had meaningful discussions regarding primary elections in
2019, even on the funding approach, this British
shockwave froze the constructive thinking.
Primary elections
are seen by some parties as a step towards European
federalism. The British vote against the EU imposed a reactive mindset. Statements
like “Let’s wait until Britain will activate article 50…” and “We should analyze
the impact of the British exit in each of the EU sectoral policies…” are just
some of the phrases found in the hallways of the European institutions. Some
voices even suggest a tempering of the European
federalism.
It is appreciated
that European leaders have launched a major project to rethink the future of
the EU. We will not call it European Convention, as too many remember the link
with the aborted 2005 European constitution. But it will launch a wide debate
and “let’s meet again in Malta in March 2017 to celebrate the 60th anniversary
of the Treaty of Rome...” as was stated as one of the conclusions during the Summit
in Bratislava in September 2016.
Primary elections
are still a fashionable electoral process, which delights the electorate. The United
States, France and Italy are countries that believe in this mechanism. But why at
the European level do we not yet trust it?
It's paradoxical,
but I think the Brexit will speed up the European primary elections. Not now, but
by next spring, European political parties, emerging from Brexit hibernation,
will discuss the real consequences of involvement in this project. It is a
process similar to the years 2008-2012, when the financial crisis led to an
acceleration of European integration, opening the door to the Banking Union in
the EU.
A European identity
is not “the T-shirt that you can wear just a week in Strasbourg” and then
undress to seem cool to voters. There is not a part-time job or a cheap
philosophy. Like in Russian roulette, the bullet was put in the pipe on June 23
and at least 48.1% of British have understood too late in what hazardous position
they put themselves and their local politicians.
Yes, the EU coordination
mechanism should be revamped to give European citizens confidence to come and
connect with developments. This is no time for populism, or for fanatics
without limits. Brexit made us all aware of the possibility of not having a
European Union…
European political parties, representing the 27 EU
countries that will send representatives to the European elections in 2019,
have the duty to rethink communication with citizens and the mechanism of
primary elections should be continued...
Some open questions we should be asking, in relation to the primary elections
are:
Ø How to motivate the national parties to commit, when
there are struggling in each national election?
Ø How to solve the problem of 27 different EU
legislations on national campaigning?
Ø Will the names of the European political parties be
listed, next to the names of the national candidates?
Ø We have the priorities of the political platform of
the European parties and (most of the time being different) the priorities of
the primary candidate. How to position the role of the manifesto between
polarization and personalization?
Ø The primary elections are extremely complex from a
practical, technical and logistical point of view. How can we make the process
credible for voters?
Ø How to involve Prime Ministers in the European primary
elections?
Useful links:
Ø Video: Which European primary election
system for citizens to connect better with the EU? (June 2015)
Ø Op-ed: European Primary Elections: Step it
up, ahead of 2019 (by Dan Luca, Dominique Ostyn / June 2015)
Dan LUCA / Brussels
